Data Citations Alabama Department of Health. our findings contribute to Sulfaquinoxaline sodium salt the existing knowledge base concerning health status and end result inequalities in the United States for NH Blacks compared with NH Whites (Farmer & Ferraro,?2005; Hatzenbuehler, Phelan, & Link,?2013). NH Blacks were more likely than NH Whites to hold occupations considered essential (e.g., in transportation, Sulfaquinoxaline sodium salt health care, food preparation, and cleaning services). NH Blacks disproportionately occupied the top nine occupations that positioned them at risky for contracting COVID\19 as well as for possibly infecting their households. In Sulfaquinoxaline sodium salt March 2020, disaggregated occupational data from Amazon surfaced that corroborate our results, revealing that employees at 10 Amazon warehouses countrywide examined positive for COVID\19 (Greene,?2020). 2019 workforce data showed that 26 December.5% of Amazon workers defined as NH Black and 18.5% as Hispanic (About Amazon Personnel,?2019). This compares with a standard representation in the U.S. inhabitants of 13.4% for NH Blacks and 18.3% for Hispanics (U.S. Census Bureau,?2019d). Our results verified our central Sema3g hypothesis that COVID\19 mortality was highest among NH Blacks weighed against NH Whites because of NH Blacks keeping more important\employee positions. Although our results revealed condition\particular occupational distinctions in expresses with denser NH Dark populations, they regularly demonstrated that disparities in NH BlackCWhite mortality had been high not merely in COVID\19 hotspots but also almost everywhere over the USA. Chambers (2020) and Schumaker (2020) survey that various COVID\19 publicity and transmission amounts in neighborhoods of color stem from too little personal protective devices (PPE) and incapability to totally practice cultural distancing. Almost half of most metropolitan NH Blacks in america live under circumstances of hypersegregation and focused poverty (Massey,?2004). NH Dark important employees surviving in high\thickness casing may be struggling to practice public distancing in the home, making those they live with disproportionately vulnerable to COVID\19 exposure. We found that NH Blacks residing in the Midwestspecifically, Wisconsin, Kansas, Missouri, Michigan, and Illinoishave been the hardest hit by COVID\19, with mortality rates ranging from nearly three to six occasions higher than those of NH Whites. While many Midwestern towns are often designated among the best places to live in America (Mishkin, Bhardwaj, Raimonde, & Wilt,?2019; US News & World Statement,?2020), for NH Blacks they may be among the worst locations to call home due to well\documented racial disparities in education, incarceration, employment, income, health, medical care, homeownership, voting access, wages, and numerous additional socioeconomic factors (Boen,?2016; Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs,?1990; Geruso,?2012; Stebbins & Comen,?2018; Williams & Jackson,?2005). Despite historic pandemics such as HIV and H1N1 providing as potential guides for early treatment and improved response (Andrulis, Siddiqui, Purtle, & Cooper,?2012; Denning & DiNenno,?2010; Quinn et al.,?2011), our findings reveal Sulfaquinoxaline sodium salt a lack of progress toward health equity in pandemic response attempts in the United States. The 1985 Heckler statement highlighted how NH Black Americans experienced significantly worse health results than their NH White Sulfaquinoxaline sodium salt colored counterparts (Nickens,?1986). Over three decades later on, our study magnifies how occupational disparities contribute to the persistence of racialized health inequities. Existing structural injustices will continue to shape racial disparities with this pandemic if essential workers are treated as expendable, and unless companies and governmental leaders prioritize place of work security and safety like a matter of general public health. A central moral dilemma of the COVID\19 pandemic revolves around restarting America to save the economy. We suggest that policymakers must 1st recognize the economic harms that structural racism offers caused for NH Black families across the country. Historical evidence confirms that reallocating medical expenditures to social programs and public health interventions can be of greater benefit to the nation’s economy and health than cutting public health budgets (Correia, Luck, & Verner,?2020; Masters, Anwar, Collins, Cookson, & Capewell,?2017; Tran, Zimmerman, & Fielding,?2017). Delays in implementing pandemic mitigation interventions (e.g., stay\at\home orders, ramp\up of domestic PPE production) interacting with structural racism may explain the high COVID\19 mortality among NH Blacks in the Midwest, but ethical questions surrounding structural inequities in the health\care system require additional interrogation as data on racial disparities in cases and deaths continue to emerge. Conclusions and Policy Implications While it is evident that COVID\19 does not discriminate, the same cannot be said about the U.S. health\care system. Although we were unable to confirm this for the current study due to a lack of COVID\19Cspecific provider\level data, overwhelming evidence.